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    <name><![CDATA[South Road War and Resistance]]></name>
    <description><![CDATA[<p>Events in this conflict will be added as Australian Wars and Resistance research continues.</p>]]></description>
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      <name><![CDATA[Dora Dora Station, Table Top Mountain, Murray River]]></name>
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      <description><![CDATA[In 1836, two stockmen were killed by Wiradjuri men on Thologolong station near the Murray River, NSW. 'The reprisals by the settlers, the little known Dora Dora massacre, resulted in the deaths of at least a dozen Aboriginal, men, women and children. [T]he attack was led by John Jobbins, owner of adjoining Cumberoona station, a man who quickly gained a reputation for his extreme violence. Cumberoona's lands were principal camping grounds for local Aboriginal peoples [Wiradjuri], but Jobbins declared that the land was his, exclusively, and that harsh punishment would be administered to those that did not comply.' Jobbins led the attack with an unknown number of armed men on horseback. (Schneider, 2016, p 29)
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			<p><a href='https://tlcmap.org/publicdatasets/2505'>TLCMap Layer</a></p>]]></description>
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      <name><![CDATA[Mt Cottrell, Werribee]]></name>
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      <description><![CDATA[On July 9 1836, following the discovery of the mutilated bodies of Mr Charles Franks, a settler from VDL and his shepherd, Thomas Haines, a party of seventeen men armed with muskets, comprising eight male colonists, four Sydney Aborigines and five 'domesticated' Aborigines from the Port Phillip District (now Victoria), 'proceeded in search of the natives whom they supposed to be the murderers of Mr Franks and his shepherd' (Montagu cited in Cannon & McFarlane, 1982, p 42). The eight colonists were Henry Batman, John Wood, David Pitcairn, Mr Guy, Alexander Thomson, William Winberry, George Hollins and Michael Leonard; the four 'Sydney Aborigines' included Bullett, Stewart and Joe the Marine and the four Port Phillip Aborigines included Benbow, Derrymock, Ballayann and Baitlainge. John Montagu, the Colonial Secretary in Van Diemen's Land, wrote about the incident to his counterpart in New South Wales on 18 August 1836: 'They came up with a tribe, consisting of men, women and children, to the number of about fifty to one hundred, and perceiving upon the persons of some of them articles which were recognised as having belonged to Mr Franks, a rencontre followed. It is not stated however what resistance the natives made, but none of the opposing party were injured, although it is feared that there can be little doubt that ten of the tribe of Port Phillip natives were killed' (Cited in Cannon & McFarlane 1982, p 42). William Lonsdale, magistrate at Port Phillip from late September 1836, was instructed by the Colonial Secretary in Sydney, to investigate the incident. However none of the perpetrators he interviewed would acknowledge the 'rencontre' although it was clear that each of them had something to hide. Those interviewed by Lonsdale were: Henry Batman; John Wood; Michael Leonard; and William Winberry. Winberry acknowledged that a party went after the blacks and that they were found and 'several shots were fired', and that a child was found 'belonging to the fugitives', but he did 'not see that any of the blacks were killed or hurt'. (Winberry cited in Cannon & McFarlane 1982,  p 48) Leonard said that the  murderers of Franks and Flinders were Aboriginal men,  'Callen and Dundom'. Leonard heard that  in relation to the reprisal, 'some were wounded' but he paid 'no attention to it'. (Leonard cited in Cannon & McFarlane, p 49)  Was Charles Franks entirely blameless? C.E. Sayers, the editor of  T.F. Bride's 'Letters from Victorian Pioneers', notes that settler Robert William von Stieglitz reported that: 'On my way [to the Werribee] I met with a Mr Franks and got some lead from him to make what he called blue pills for the natives, who were very fierce' (Bride 1983, p 88).
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			<p><a href='https://tlcmap.org/publicdatasets/2505'>TLCMap Layer</a></p>]]></description>
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      <name><![CDATA[Mundy, Pyalong Station, Goulburn River]]></name>
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      <description><![CDATA['After the overlander Fitzherbert Mundy and his partner Smyth established the first pastoral station on Taungurong land' in 1837, the drought began and they were harassed by the Taungurang demanding food. Mundy gave the Taungurong flour and according to historian Judith Bassett, 'whilst they were baking it, he and his men rode down upon them, shooting as many as they could. One of the survivors, Bulgertheroon, subsequently told the story of the Mundy Massacre to the Assistant Protector of the Aborigines, James Dredge. Dredge also heard corroborative evidence of the massacre from Mundy himself and duly confided in his diary that he would not be surprised, 'if at some favourable opportunity retributive justice overtakes the culprits.' (Dredge cited in Bassett 1989, p 26)
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			<p><a href='https://tlcmap.org/publicdatasets/2505'>TLCMap Layer</a></p>]]></description>
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      <name><![CDATA[Faithfull Massacre, Benalla]]></name>
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      <description><![CDATA[On 7 April 1838 ten stockmen overlanding cattle to the Port Phillip District for William and George Faithfull set up camp at the Broken River near present day Benalla after shooting at and possibly killing an unknown number of people at the Ovens River. Although they did not know it, the Broken River camp was an important ceremonial site and Yorta Yorta meeting place.  When the stockmen arrived at the Broken River on 6 April they found at least 10 Aboriginal men and their families already camped at the meeting place. On 7 April nine of Faithfulls' shepherds arrived with 4,000 sheep and camped at  the meeting place and sought women from the Yorta Yorta camp. That night eight sheep went missing and on the following day, 8 April, the 19 stockmen and shepherds moved camp to the south bank of the Broken River only to be followed. On 9 April more Yorta Yorta arrived and on 11 April, Faithfulls' men prepared to strike camp with the stockmen departing first. Then 20 warriors attacked. One of the shepherds fired and killed a warrior, another fired and missed and the other eight shepherds ran away only to be struck down and killed. Four or five stockmen escaped to report the incident. According to historian Judith Bassett who conducted the most detailed research on the massacre, it 'bore all the hallmarks of traditional and specific revenge, whereby a small, ritually sanctioned group of Aborigines took their victim(s) by surprise and then returned quickly to their camp.'(Bassett 1989, p 23) They did not seek to kill every white man present. If this is the case then it suggests that the massacre was also in direct response to the earlier killing of Yorta Yorta people at the Ovens River.
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			<p><a href='https://tlcmap.org/publicdatasets/2505'>TLCMap Layer</a></p>]]></description>
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      <name><![CDATA[Darlington Station]]></name>
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      <description><![CDATA[On 23 July 1839, 'in conversation with Thomas B. Alexander, agent for Captain Sylvester Brown at Darlington Station,' James Dredge, Assistant Protector of the Aborigines' in the region, 'was informed that in the winter of 1838, 'the Aborigines took away a flock of between 800 and 900 sheep,' and [that] when Alexander's men (Captain Sylvester Brown's employees) 'located them 13 Aborigines were shot before the sheep were recovered.' (Dredge cited in Clark 1995, p.89)
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      <name><![CDATA[Barfold Station, Coliban River, Campaspe Plains]]></name>
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      <description><![CDATA[John Coppock, W.H. Yaldwin's overseer at Barfold Station, on the Coliban River, said in a sworn statement, that on 9 June 1838 about 50 Aboriginal people had stolen sheep from Dr Bowman's and Mr Yaldwyn's runs (Coppock cited in Cannon and Macfarlane, 1982, pp 336-337). Coppock led a party of eight white men from both stations in search of the Aboriginal camp and the sheep. When they reached the camp 'a shot was fired' and the Aboriginal men 'immediately manned their spears and gave another shout and instantly began throwing them at us. These spears dropped by us and passed as we were obliged to shelter ourselves behind trees.' 
'We fired upon the blacks and there was a regular engagement for about three-quarters of an hour, when we rushed up to the fires to take possession of the place. When we got to the fires the blacks had deserted them, but we saw them about one or two hundred yards off still in possession of the sheep. It was at this time quite dark and we were afraid to make any further attempt to take the sheep. We therefore went home.'
'At the place where the blacks stood during the engagement we found seven or eight blacks dead' (Coppock cited in Cannon & Macfarlane 1982a, p 337). When Coppock and six stockmen returned to the camp the next day, they 'found the bodies of the blacks who had been killed had been put upon the fire and were partly consumed' (Cannon & Macfarlane, 1982A, p 338). However, since Aboriginal people did not dispose of bodies in this way, it can only be assumed that Coppock and his party put them 'upon the fire'.
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      <name><![CDATA[Mount Mitchell]]></name>
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      <description><![CDATA['In July 1838, Henry Boucher Bowerman, at Mount Mitchell or Burnbank Station on McCallums and Doctors Creeks,' 'had a flock of sheep driven from his run by some Aborigines. While the sheep were being recovered, between 10 and 14 Aboriginal people were shot' by Bowerman's overseer, John M Allen (Clark, 1995, p 89). This was the first of 2 massacres carried out by Allen at Bowerman's station.
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      <name><![CDATA[Maiden Hills]]></name>
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      <description><![CDATA[In April 1839, Assistant Protector Charles Sievwright arrested William Allen, overseer on HB Bowerman's Mount Mitchell pastoral run, and two convict shepherds, Abraham Braybrook and John Davis, at the nearby Learmonth brothers' station at Burrumbeet, for killing and then burning six to eight Aborigines and taking 'every pain to obliterate all traces of the bodies' (Clark, 1995, p 92). According to Clark (1995, p 92), G.A. Robinson said that the site was at the junction of two creeks  12 kilometres from Bowerman's outstation, and that Sievwright 'found a small piece [of] cranium under a piece of log' and that several huts in the district, including that occupied by William Allen, 'had Aboriginal skulls placed over their doors' (Clark, 1995, pp 92-3). 'John Davis and Abraham Braybrook were committed for trial for the killings. However, owing to the lack of corroborating evidence from white men, the attorney general [J.H. Plunkett], refused to prosecute the two men for anything other than the misdemeanour of burning the bodies' and even of that, the men were subsequently acquitted (Robinson Papers cited in Clark 1995, p. 93). According to Chief Protector GA Robinson, the two men 'were not wholly cleared of guilt and the public prosecutor recommended that they be turned to the public works'. However, they were returned to Burrumbeet station where Robinson saw Braybrook on 27 February 1840 (Robinson cited in Clark 1998a, p. 180). The Rev. Joseph Orton presented the following summary of Sievwright's report (dated 17 April 1839) 'Allen, the overseer to Bowerman, had instructed the shepherds at the outstations to inform him immediately any natives made their appearance that he might be prepared for them. On one occasion the natives did come and were quiet and friendly, but the servants having received peremptory orders from Mr Allen to inform him when the natives came, they accordingly did so.  Allen immediately ordered his horse to be saddled and rode in search of them and found the natives a few miles from the shepherds' station and warned them not to come near the station' (this incident relates to the massacre of 10-14 Aborigines being killed in July 1838). 'Allen left orders again with the shepherds not to allow the natives near. The men, however, said they were peaceable and they were desirous to keep on good terms with them. A short time after this the blacks came to the shepherds hut and under suspicion that they came to rob the hut an affray commenced and from six to eight Aborigines were shot by the white men. The bodies were burned the next day. It appears in the deposition that a native woman was in the hut with the white men. In answer to a question Allen acknowledged that he had ordered the men to protect themselves. Davies, a prisoner, shot most or all. The above is the substance of the depositions and admissions of the implicated parties which is of course the <i>ex parte</i> statement. Allen was bound to appear when called for in recognisance of 200 pounds. In this case nothing more has been done than taking the depositions of the aggressors and murderers. There being no evidence but their own and that of the Aborigines ��� in the former case the accused cannot incriminate himself in a court of justice and in the latter Aboriginal evidence is inadmissible. Thus these miscreants elude justice and boast in their foul deeds ��� which accounts for the apparent frankness of their depositions' (Orton  1840-42,  12 January 1841, cited in Clark, 1995, p 89-90).
			<p><a href='https://tlcmap.org/search?id=te16f1'>TLCMap</a></p>
			<p><a href='https://tlcmap.org/publicdatasets/2505'>TLCMap Layer</a></p>]]></description>
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      <name><![CDATA[Restdown Plains Station, Campaspe River]]></name>
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      <description><![CDATA[Following the killing of hutkeeper James Neill and shepherd Hugh Bryan, by Aboriginal warriors and their taking about 700 sheep from Capt Charles Hutton's outstation near present day Barnadown on the Campaspe River on 22 May 1839, Hutton and three men set off in pursuit. He is alleged to have retrieved the sheep  48kms away.  According to EO Randell, historian of the Campaspe Plains pastoral stations, upon his return, Hutton called on magistrate William Yaldwyn at nearby Barfold Station where a detachment of infantry was camped and asked for protection. Yaldwyn refused saying that Assistant Protector Edward Parker was in the district and it was his duty to address the issue and that foot soldiers would be of little help. Another settler Thomas Thornloe reported the details to GB Smyth Officer in Charge of the Mounted Police in Melbourne and advised that a punitive expedition should be sent against the Aborigines to 'teach them a lesson' (Randell 1982, p 289). 'According to the official version of events, a party of mounted police, led by Sgt Dennis Leary, under orders from Smyth' [and accompanied by Hutton and his overseer James Cosgrove], after four days ride, 'encountered a group of Aboriginal people about 112 kilometers from the place where Hutton's servants were killed. A pitched battle is alleged to have ensued and at least six Aborigines were killed.' The location is present day Restdown Plains station. (Cannon & MacFarlane, 1983, p 668). According to Assistant Protector E.S. Parker 'nearly 40 Aboriginal people were shot; the entire group except one woman and a child.' (Clark, 1995, p 94; Cannon & McFarlane 1983, p 668). Parker continued, 'On a review of the whole affair, I can hold but one opinion - that it was a deliberately planned, illegal reprisal on the aborigines, on principles advocated by many persons in this Colony - that when an offense is committed by unknown individuals, the tribe to which they belong should be made to suffer for it.' (Randall 1982, p 295)
			<p><a href='https://tlcmap.org/search?id=te16f2'>TLCMap</a></p>
			<p><a href='https://tlcmap.org/publicdatasets/2505'>TLCMap Layer</a></p>]]></description>
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      <name><![CDATA[Blood Hole]]></name>
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      <description><![CDATA[Aldo Massola refers to this massacre as follows: 'At the end of 1839 Captain Dugald McLachlan settled at Glengower Station,' on Glengower Creek, near Campbelltown, 'and after the usual "introductory period" during which they were employed at the station and given flour and sugar rations, the Aborigines were gradually discouraged from frequenting the run. The culminating point of this policy was when the cook, who was in charge of the rations, either under instructions from his employer or otherwise, distributed to the Aborigines a mixture of flour and Plaster of Paris. Though this was a better mixture than the arsenic given them elsewhere in Victoria, we can imagine the "damper" which resulted.' The Aborigines, 'to whom this act was probably the last of a great many indignities, speared the cook and helped themselves to the quarters of mutton hanging from the rafters.' In retribution, 'McLachlan and his men caught up with the Aborigines at a waterhole on Middle Creek where they were about to feast on the mutton. The Aborigines sought safety by diving into the waterhole and there they were shot, one at a time, as they came up for air. The place is still known as "The Blood-Hole"' (Massola, 1969, p 88).
			<p><a href='https://tlcmap.org/search?id=te16f4'>TLCMap</a></p>
			<p><a href='https://tlcmap.org/publicdatasets/2505'>TLCMap Layer</a></p>]]></description>
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      <name><![CDATA[King River, above Oxley Plains (Wangaratta)]]></name>
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      <description><![CDATA[Among the earliest colonists in the region, George Faithfull established a run at Oxley Plains, neighbouring his brother, whose overlanding men had been massacred in the Faithfull massacre in 1838. In a letter to Lieutenant Governor La Trobe on 8 September 1853 George Faithful wrote that, 'The country was left to us for some years in consequence of the hostility of the blacks,
which became so unbearable that I could not keep shepherds,
although well armed, without employing a horseman, in addition
to myself, to keep continually perambulating the woods lest the
natives might cut them off' (Bride, 1889, p 151).
<br>
George Faithfull went on to describe a massacre that lasted for many hours:
'At last, it so happened that I was the means of putting an end to this warfare. Riding with two of my stockmen one day
quietly along the banks of the river, we passed between the anabranch of the river itself by a narrow neck of land, and, after proceeding about half a mile, we were all at once met by some
hundreds of painted warriors with the most dreadful yells I had
ever heard. Had they sprung from the regions below we could have hardly been more taken by surprise. Our horses bounded
and neighed with fear - old brutes, which in other respects required an immense deal of persuasion in the way of spurs to make
them go along. Our first impulse was to retreat, but we found the narrow way blocked up by natives two and three deep, and we
were at once saluted with a shower of spears. My horse bounded
and fell into an immense hole. A spear just then passed over
the pummel of my saddle. This was the signal for a general
onset. The natives rushed on us like furies, with shouts and savage
yells; it was no time for delay. I ordered my men to take
deliberate aim, and to fire only with certainty of destruction to the individual aimed at. Unfortunately, the first shot from one of my men's carbines did not take effect; in a moment we were
surrounded on all sides by the savages boldly coming up to us. It was my time now to endeavour to repel them. I fired my double barrel right and left, and two of the most forward fell; this stopped the impetuosity of their career. I had time to reload,
and the war thus begun continued from about ten o'clock in the morning until four in the afternoon. We were slow to fire, which
prolonged the battle, and 60 rounds were fired, and I trust and
believe that many of the bravest of the savage warriors bit the
dust' (Bride, 1898, p 152).
<br>
According to James Howard, aged 83 in 1883, he was a shepherd on George Faithfull's run at Oxley Plains in 1841 when the 'blacks played sad havoc with Faithfull's cattle and sheep, whereupon the stockmen, shepherds, and hut keepers turned out, mounted and armed, to the number of about 18, fell upon the blacks in camp on the bank of the King above Oxley, and massacred them. About 200 were killed on the spot, and others were pursued miles up the river, until all, with one or two exceptions, were exterminated' (<i>Argus</i>, September 13, 1883, p 9). Howard was at first reluctant to name who was involved, but then confirmed that it was Faithful and said that there were about 200 killed in the initial encounter, and 300 in total, including the pursuit upriver (<i>Argus</i>, September 13, 1883, p 9). The figure of 300 may be an exaggeration, but given this was a sustained massacre which Faithful claimed brought an end to a sustained resistance in this populous area, the death toll was most likely very high.
			<p><a href='https://tlcmap.org/search?id=te16f5'>TLCMap</a></p>
			<p><a href='https://tlcmap.org/publicdatasets/2505'>TLCMap Layer</a></p>]]></description>
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      <name><![CDATA[Moira Swamp]]></name>
      <styleUrl>#TLCMapStyle</styleUrl>
      <description><![CDATA[Following the killing of two employees at Horatio Spencer Wills' station 'Calimo' (Tumudgery) on the Edward River near present day Deniliquin in NSW, and the loss of several hundred sheep at other stations along the River Murray, on 24 November 1843, Superintendent La Trobe ordered Henry Dana, of the native police, Crown Lands Commissioner Henry Smythe and his Murray District border police, to each take a detachment of their mounted men to the Murray River at Barmah and Moira Lakes, to investigate (Robinson 24 November 1843 in Clark 1998, pp. 213-214). La Trobe was responding to a letter from Henry Bingham, Commissioner of Crown Lands, based at Tumut in NSW, seeking help. Dana and  Smythe and their detachments were accompanied by settlers Henry S. Lewis, Edward Hogg and John Oldbury Atkinson and by a detachment of Bingham's border police led by Sgt James. (Franklin 2021, p.49) The entire party is estimated to have comprised about 20 horsemen.
<br>
An encounter took place in the Moira Swamps on 15 December 1843. When Dana returned to Melbourne he sent a brief report to La Trobe on 1 January 1844, saying that he had joined Smythe's party 'on the Murray' and that his men had 'behaved exceedingly well and were of the greatest use in the expedition.' (Dana in Franklin 2021, p. 45)
<br>
However Assistant Protector William Thomas had already heard that several  people were killed and confronted Dana about it. In response Dana 'abused him...in a violent manner, damned and threatened to kick him.' (Robinson 3 Jan 1844 in Clark 1998, p. 1) On 8 January 1844, the <i>Geelong Advertiser</i> reported that Thomas had charged Dana with 'the murder of several natives!' and that an investigation was under way. On 4 January 1844, Dr James Allen, Robinson's son-in-law and medical officer at Narre Warren Aboriginal station, told Robinson that 'the blacks had told him that a number of men also women were shot by Dana's party at the Murry [sic] and the children were knocked on the head with carrabines. They first sent a party to look for the natives and then went and planted themselves in a scrub and sent two or three troopers to round or drive them up like sheep to be large party carrelled; they then commenced firing and shot some of them in the river etc.' Dana told Robinson that 'he had had a brush with the natives. He went to the Murray by the Campaspe [River] and returned said 20 men, one woman, five children were shot.' (Robinson 5 January 1844 in Clark 1998, p.2)
<br>
The inquiry exonerated Dana but did not record the number of people killed. (<i>Port Phillip Gazette</i> 31 January 1844). However, on 17 April 1844, former Sergeant Edward Broderick of Smythe's mounted border police, wrote to La Trobe complaining of his recent dismissal from the force and that he had kept quiet about the illegal shootings of Aboriginal people at the Murray River on 15 December 1843. Smythe and his men had attacked an Aboriginal camp and shot men, women and children 'indiscriminately' and that his evidence could be supported by the three settlers and Sgt James. (Broderick to La Trobe 17 April 1844 in Franklin 2021, pp. 46-49) La Trobe demanded an explanation from Smythe and the three settlers. However, they all said that they fired in self-defence and there was no indiscriminate firing. Smythe said that two Aboriginal men were killed and one woman was wounded in the wrist. Edward Hogg said that Broderick did most of the firing. (Smythe to La Trobe 26 April 1844; Statement by Edward Hogg, 5 June 1841 in Franklin 2021, pp. 54-9).
<br>
The inquiry came to an end in August 1844, when the Colonial Secretary in Sydney said that Governor Gipps could see 'no reason to suppose that Mr Smythe encouraged or sanctioned the exercise of any unnecessary severity towards the Natives, on the unfortunate occasion of his collision with them in the Swamp called "Moira"'. (Col Sec to La Trobe 16 August 1844 in Franklin 2021, p. 61) This incident is one of very few that led to two formal inquiries. In each case, the ringleaders, Dana and Smythe, were exonerated.
<br>
Colonial records refer to Aboriginal people in this area as 'Bangerang'. Today, some Aboriginal people in this area prefer to be recognised as Yorta Yorta and some as Bangerang.
			<p><a href='https://tlcmap.org/search?id=te16f6'>TLCMap</a></p>
			<p><a href='https://tlcmap.org/publicdatasets/2505'>TLCMap Layer</a></p>]]></description>
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